On July 5, in the 64th program of this is China of Oriental satellite TV, Professor Zhang Weiwei, President of the Institute of Chinese Studies of Fudan University and Professor Zheng ge of Kaiyuan Law School of Shanghai Jiaotong University, discussed issues related to Hong Kongs national security law. The content of the program is arranged by observer network for readers.
Zhang Wei was:
On May 28, the National Peoples Congress passed an important Hong Kong related decision, the full name of which is the decision on establishing and improving the legal system and implementation mechanism for safeguarding national security of the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region. At that time, there was a long time of warm applause, reflecting the will of the whole Chinese people, which was very encouraging.
This reminds me of last year when Hong Kongs amendment storm intensified, we talked about our views on this is China. I said at that time that this was a chaotic situation in Hong Kong, but bad things can turn into good things. During the turmoil, Hong Kong rioters illegally blocked streets, beat mainland residents and besieged the police on duty, causing the airport to be paralyzed. Hong Kongs economy was severely damaged. Hong Kongs image in the mainland fell sharply and its international image was greatly reduced. The central government has made it very clear that if the situation in Hong Kong deteriorates further and there is turmoil beyond the control of the Hong Kong SAR government, the central government will never sit idly by. In accordance with the basic law, the central government has enough methods and powerful forces to quickly quell all kinds of possible disturbances. At that time, we also put forward a point of view in the program. The crisis in Hong Kong is actually a window of opportunity. We should make good use of it, conduct a comprehensive review and Reflection on all the problems exposed in this turmoil, conduct a large-scale research, and strive to find an overall solution to solve various problems, so as to achieve a stable and severe attack on the Hong Kong Independence forces The chairman Xi Jinping proposed to implement the one country two systems comprehensively and accurately.
I said that within the scope of the constitution of the peoples Republic of China and the basic law of Hong Kong, we have enough space to make decisions and then move forward. It seems that after careful research and consideration, the central government has come up with a plan that represents the will of the people of the whole country, and it is a plan that will be taken out of the bottom of the way. After it was put forward, it brought a huge shock to the Hong Kong Independence forces. It was a steady, accurate and hard blow to the Hong Kong Independence forces. It played a decisive role in curbing the Western forces supporting Hong Kong Independence and had a deterrent effect on the Taiwan independence forces. The overall effect was very good. The promulgation of the port national security law is a major event for Hong Kong. Its impact is epoch-making and marks a new historical stage of one country, two systems in Hong Kong.
After the announcement of the decision, some western countries said that China had violated one country, two systems, and the United States also claimed to sanction China. In fact, the United States and other western countries have great interests in Hong Kong. Hong Kong is the largest source of the US foreign trade surplus. We will eventually see who will punish whom in the Hong Kong issue. The United States and other western countries also claim that the national security law of Hong Kong has deprived Hong Kong of its autonomous status. In any country, national security legislation belongs to the state power. After the return of Hong Kong, the central government authorized the Hong Kong SAR to legislate on safeguarding national security through Article 23 of the basic law of Hong Kong. However, what is shocking is that the authorization of the central government since the return of Hong Kong has been 23 years As a result, Hong Kong is totally defenseless in the maintenance of national security, which will not be allowed in any country.
For quite a long time in the past, it seemed that there was always a mentality that Hong Kong could only rely on Hong Kong since it had been authorized to govern Hong Kong. As a result, things were done more or less in accordance with the ideas left by the British people. For example, they expected to occupy an absolute majority of the Legislative Council and then push forward the 23 article legislation. However, after one election after another, there was little result; or even No Only the legislation has not been completed, and under the operation of hostile forces, the 23 articles legislation has been stigmatized and demonized, leading to the long-term solution of the problem.
This time, the Central Committee emancipated the mind, changed its thinking, and showed a high degree of system confidence. The NPC directly legislated at the national level to completely plug the loopholes in national security, thus opening up a new pattern for the second return of Hong Kong. This victory is also very enlightening for us to solve other related issues, including the Taiwan issue. Hong Kong Independence is a paper tiger, Taiwan independence is a paper tiger, and Western Anti China forces supporting Hong Kong Independence, Taiwan independence, Tibet independence and Xinjiang independence are also paper tigers. We must do so when we should.
Last year, I said this point in this program: most of our compatriots in Hong Kong are against Hong Kong Independence, but this kind of opposition force has not been able to form a strong enough joint force. For example, Hong Kong Independence became a rat almost overnight in places where there were Chinese in the world. Unfortunately, this was not achieved in Hong Kong at that time. The decision on the Hong Kong National Security Law and the national security law itself have greatly inspired all Hong Kong compatriots who support one country, two systems and have begun to form a joint force. According to a survey report by the Hong Kong Social Science poll center, 64.7% of the respondents believe that as a special administrative region under the jurisdiction of the peoples Republic of China, Hong Kong has the responsibility to safeguard national security and ensure that national interests are not harmed. The chief executive of Hong Kong, Mrs Carrie Lam, also expressed her full support for and cooperation with Hong Kongs national security law and legislation. The Hong Kong Security Bureau and the five major disciplinary forces of Hong Kong also issued statements to fully support them. The presidents of the five major universities in Hong Kong, namely, the University of Hong Kong, the Chinese University of Hong Kong, the Hong Kong University of education, the Hong Kong Polytechnic University and Lingnan University, also issued a joint statement in support of one country, two systems and understood the need for a national security law. Some entertainers, such as Jackie Chan, Wang Mingquan and Zeng Zhiwei, also signed a statement in support of the decision, calling on all sectors of the Hong Kong community to take this opportunity to enhance tolerance and understanding, so that Hong Kong can return to the right track of civilization and legal system and start again.
From the lament of the Hong Kong Independence forces, we can see that they are afraid. Some people say that it was originally a counter delivery, but now it is going to be full delivery. Of course, this is an exaggeration. We are talking about performing national security related responsibilities according to law, so we cant exaggerate or narrow down, and closely focus on performing our responsibilities according to law. This decision has made the Hong Kong Independence forces and the Taiwan independence forces in constant panic. Many Hong Kong Independence elements are actively planning to flee to Taiwan. I really hope that the Taiwan authorities can accept them generously, which will eventually help us to put the Hong Kong Independence elements and Taiwan independence elements into one pot.
Hong Kongs national security law is very rich in content. We can explore some of the key elements together. At the meeting, the person in charge of the Legislative Work Committee of the peoples Congress made an explanation on the draft law of the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region of the peoples Republic of China on safeguarding national security (Draft), many of which are of great significance. First of all, the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region will set up a national security committee and a national security adviser, who will be appointed by the Central Peoples government, and provide advice on the duties and related matters of the National Security Committee of the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region. In addition, the police force of the Hong Kong SAR government should set up a department to safeguard national security and be equipped with law enforcement forces. The Department of justice of the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region is roughly equivalent to the mainland judicial department plus supervision department. The Department of justice should set up a special national security crime case prosecution department to undertake the responsibility of prosecuting national security crime cases.
It should be recalled that during the riots in Hong Kong last year, we saw repeated cases of police arrest and judge release, which aroused great anger among the Chinese people. Many people suggested that foreign judges should be prohibited from participating in the trial of national security law cases. This time, the national security law of Hong Kong states that judges participating in the trial of national security cases will be appointed by the chief executive of Hong Kong. The chief executive of the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region shall appoint a number of judges from among the current or qualified former magistrates, district court judges, high court judges and judges of the original court of procedure to handle cases of crimes endangering national security u3002 This is a better solution, which not only reflects our respect for one country, two systems, but also can effectively prevent judges who do not agree with one country, two systems from interfering in the trial of national security cases. Personally, I also believe that this arrangement is conducive to the political system of Hong Kong to keep pace with the times. The ups and downs of the 23 years since Hong Kongs return to China have proved that the original administrative leading mode is a better one.
I remember that Deng Xiaoping said that we wanted Hong Kong to keep one country, two systems unchanged for 50 years. This includes his hope that the mode of administrative leadership at that time would remain basically unchanged. However, the last governor of Hong Kong, Peng Dingkang, initiated the so-called political reform, which greatly weakened the administrative leadership and sowed the seeds of chaos in Hong Kong. This is also a common method used by British people. In todays conflict areas in the world, we can see whether they are the original British colonies. If so, there are almost all the mines buried by the British people, such as the Cyprus conflict, the Arab Israeli conflict, the India Pakistan conflict, and even the recent Sino Indian border confrontation. Behind them are all the thunder buried by the British people.
Hong Kong Police holding purple flag warning picture from Hong Kong media
The establishment of the Special Administrative Office of the central government is very important to safeguard the national security of Hong Kong. The central government has set up three organizations in Hong Kong: the joint office of the CPC Central Committee, the garrison in Hong Kong, and the office of the special commissioner of the Ministry of foreign affairs in Hong Kong. Now, we need to establish the national security office of the Central Peoples Government in Hong Kong. Under certain circumstances, this office can exercise jurisdiction over crimes endangering national security in Hong Kong. Its duties include supervising, guiding, coordinating and supporting the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region in performing its duties of safeguarding national security, collecting and analyzing information on national security, and handling crimes against national security in accordance with the law u201dAt the same time, it is also clear that the state security office and relevant organs in Hong Kong only exercise jurisdiction over a very small number of crimes endangering national security under specific circumstances.
The draft law also specifically mentions an important manifestation of the comprehensive jurisdiction of the central government, which will be conducive to strengthening the law enforcement and judicial work of the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region in safeguarding national security. All possible situations, i.e. a state of emergency, which is stipulated in paragraph 4 of Article 18 of the basic law of Hong Kong, will be avoided. The content is as follows: if the Standing Committee of the National Peoples Congress decides to declare a state of war or because of turmoil in the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region which endangers national unity or security beyond the control of the SAR government, it decides that the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region shall enter into a state of emergency. The Central Peoples Government may issue an order to apply the relevant national laws in the region u3002 In short, our effective preventive measures are also to avoid a potentially costly showdown. I think it should be in the common interests of all parties.
Finally, the draft law also proposes that residents of the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region should sign documents in accordance with the law to confirm their support for the basic law of the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region of the peoples Republic of China and to be loyal to the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region of the peoples Republic of China. In other words, it is necessary to sign this important document to run for election or to hold public office, otherwise they can not stand for election u3002 In this regard, Western media believe that this may mean that the Pan min faction will lose its qualification to participate in the Legislative Council election on September 6. Of course, this is just some western media reports and speculation.
There is also a very important article in the draft law, that is, when the local laws of the Hong Kong SAR are inconsistent with this law, the provisions of this Law shall apply, and the power of interpretation of this Law shall be vested in the Standing Committee of the National Peoples Congress. Of course, there are many wonderful contents in the draft law, which can be said to be full of dry goods. It is worth reading carefully by all friends who are concerned about the Hong Kong issue. In short, as we often say, we must solve the relevant problems thoroughly and implement one country, two systems in a real, accurate and comprehensive way to ensure the long-term stability and stable development of Hong Kong.
On the afternoon of June 19, at the invitation of Mr. Tung Chee Hwa, vice chairman of the National Committee of the Chinese peoples Political Consultative Conference and the first chief executive of Hong Kong, I had the honor to give a public live video speech to the Hong Kong public on the topic of democracy issues and Hong Kongs choice. I spent half my time speaking and half of my time interacting with each other, and the effect was good. I mentioned that the enactment of the Hong Kong national security law has created a great new opportunity for Hong Kong. In a sense, it is what we often call the second return of Hong Kong. Western countries especially like to divide and rule, which is called divide and rule in English. They constantly create conflicts. Now the western countries themselves are divided into two parts. However, Chinas practice is just the opposite. We firmly believe in unity and prosperity. The English is unity and prosperity. This valuable experience is also applicable to Hong Kong. Hong Kong needs unity and prosperity. After the implementation of the Hong Kong National Security Law and the elimination of the disorderly forces colluding with Western hostile forces, we hope that all parties in Hong Kong can reach the greatest consensus and unite to build Hong Kong into a more prosperous and better place.
I also made four suggestions on the future development of Hongkong based on the successful experience of Chinese mainland. First, emancipate the mind. Hong Kong needs to be liberated from the rigid Western democratic discourse. In particular, we believe that the western democratic model is the only correct one. We must be liberated from this rigid discourse pattern. There are four genetic defects in the western democratic model: man is rational, power is absolute, procedure is omnipotent, and capital strength is decisive, which determines that the western democratic model will decline all the way. This view has been said many times in this program, and the defeat of major western countries in the war epidemic once again proves this point. Second, seeking truth from facts and proceeding from the reality of Hong Kong, we should study and solve various problems and challenges faced by Hong Kong in a down-to-earth manner. Third, we should keep pace with the times, sum up the past experience and lessons, resolutely reform the reform, and resolutely correct the error correction, so as to adapt to the challenges that Hong Kong will face in the 21st century. The fourth is the people-oriented principle. Never let the political machine idle at any time. Politics must be implemented to improve peoples livelihood, both material and non-material. I believe that as long as this is done, the future of Hong Kong will be better and better.
On June 30, the Standing Committee of the National Peoples Congress passed the Hong Kong national security law by a unanimous vote. We extend our warmest congratulations on this. Today, Hong Kong is setting out again from a new starting point. We wish Hong Kongs one country, two systems policy steady and far-reaching. I wish Hong Kong and the motherland a new and greater glory together.
I had been teaching at the University of Hong Kong for 10 years. When I first arrived in Hong Kong in 2004, a big event happened in Hong Kong. On July 1, 2003, a large march against 23 pieces of legislation broke out in Hong Kong. Then, this will go back to the basic law of the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region itself. The basic law of the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region is a law to safeguard the constitutional arrangement of one country, two systems. It is a national law formulated by the National Peoples Congress in accordance with Article 31 of the constitution of the peoples Republic of China. Article 23 of the law stipulates that the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region shall enact laws to safeguard national security. However, since its return to China for 23 years, Hong Kong has not fulfilled this obligation required by Article 23 of the basic law.
Why? It is not because of the inaction of the government of the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region. As early as 2002, the then chief executive, Mr Tung Chee Hwa, had initiated the process of formulating national security legislation and drafted the Hong Kong National Security (legislative provisions) Ordinance. Please note that the Ordinance is the name of Hong Kongs local legislation. The bill contains very detailed provisions on subversion, secession, espionage and other crimes. According to the analysis of many local legal scholars in Hong Kong, it is found that the criminal liability stipulated in this Ordinance for related crimes is not more serious than the existing laws in Hong Kong. For example, Hong Kongs criminal charges Ordinance has relevant provisions on treason, subversion, secession, espionage and so on. This legislation for safeguarding national security only brings together the relevant provisions in Hong Kong and turns them into a law. However, such a very mild and even lighter punishment for crimes against national security than the relevant laws of the colonial era has aroused strong opposition in Hong Kong.
What are the main reasons? The reasons are complex, including education. Since the reunification, Hong Kong has not implemented national education. In Hong Kongs primary and secondary education, as long as the peoples Republic of China is mentioned, the evaluation is basically negative. Moreover, the vast majority of primary and secondary school teachers in Hong Kong are members of a trade union. The trade union is called the Hong Kong Teachers Association, and the founder of the association, Mr. Szeto Hua, is himself an anti China figure. Therefore, under such teacher education, young people in Hong Kong do not have a deep sense of identity with the peoples Republic of China. Therefore, just now Zhang Weiwei also put forward the concept of secondary regression.
Hong Kong Association of education illustrated from Wikipedia
It is aimed at a local legal theory in Hong Kong called second foundation laying. Luo peiran is a representative lawyer in Hong Kong. In his own monograph, he puts forward the theory of second foundation laying. What is second foundation laying? The basic law is formulated for Hong Kong by outsiders. The outsider here obviously refers to the National Peoples Congress. However, because Hong Kong has judicial independence and the power of final adjudication, the courts of the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region can, by interpreting the basic law, create a constitutional order in which Hong Kong is independent of the constitutional order of the peoples Republic of China. This sounds like a very professional expression. In fact, it is equivalent to saying that the judiciary is independent of Hong Kong. This theory is very popular in Hong Kong, which leads to a series of social problems. One of the most important points is that Hong Kong lacks laws to safeguard the basic bottom line of national security.
Until last year, the anti revisionist movement broke out in Hong Kong. After the government of the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region (SAR) has clearly indicated that the amendment is withdrawn, it has intensified. We can see that the dominant force behind it is not to oppose the amendment of the Fugitive Offenders Ordinance, but to strive for greater autonomy of Hong Kong. After the reunification, the central governments intervention in Hong Kong affairs can be said to be very little. Under such circumstances, the Pan people political factions in Hong Kong still want to strive for greater autonomy. What does this mean? That is, the Hong Kong Independence forces are becoming more and more intense in Hong Kong, and behind it are the manipulation of foreign forces. Because the United States has never concealed its intention to regard Hong Kong as an Anti China base, including a base for the United States to steal Chinas state secrets.
As early as the 1960s, the National Security Council of the United States issued a document. This document has been declassified today. If you read this document, you will find that the US positioning of Hong Kong is the so-called free world outpost, a free world outpost. The so-called outpost of the free world is the American outpost, which serves as a base for the United States to plot to overthrow the Communist leadership of the peoples Republic of China. It also pointed out that Hong Kong is the base for information programs. This information project sounds harmless, but its actually spying. As a result, the number of employees of the U.S. Consulate General in Hong Kong far exceeds that of the US embassy in China. Many of them are CIA spies. They also appeared in the anti revisionist movement in Hong Kong last year.
At the same time, there are some non-governmental organizations (NGOs) that seem to have nothing to do with the government in the United States. In fact, they are all supported by the US government, such as the famous national foundation for Democracy (NED). Some observers are very keen to point out that ned is more suitable than CIA for funding foreign anti-government forces, because they want to support anti-government forces, so it is not appropriate for us national institutions to come forward. They sometimes intervene through so-called NGOs, such as providing funding for Anti China forces in Hong Kong. The legislation to safeguard national security in Hong Kong this time is mainly aimed at this area. Therefore, with the passage of the national security law of Hong Kong, there are not only laws, but also laws to be followed and laws to be followed. After the whole set of mechanisms is perfected, Hong Kongs national security issues can be better solved.
Finally, I would like to make a summary. On the 10th anniversary of Hong Kongs return to China, there was a very popular song called always have you. I believe many friends here have heard this song. There is a lyric in this song: the eastern and Western civilizations have met prosperity and stability here. Its positioning for Hong Kong is a place of prosperity and stability, as well as the intersection of eastern and Western civilizations. The confluence of eastern and Western civilizations requires an equal and mutually beneficial exchange, rather than a hegemony. No country will allow Hong Kong to influence Chinas internal affairs or even attempt to subvert our regime. With the national security law showing the bottom line, I believe Hong Kong will return to prosperity and stability, so that the eastern and Western civilizations can better meet here.
Round table discussion
Professor Zheng Ge, in 2014, the occupy the middle operation began. This year, you finished your work in Hong Kong. Some people joked that you were so angry that you went back to work in the mainland. According to your observation, how effective is the national security law of Hong Kong in curbing the forces of disorder in Hong Kong?
In fact, we dont need to predict. Now there are some very obvious trends, which show that after the decision of the NPC, it has played a very important role. For example, the U.S. Consulate General in Hong Kong recently sold its 10 billion yuan property in Hong Kong, which shows that many of their spies will withdraw, because they think that after the passage of the Hong Kong national security law, their activities in Hong Kong will be very difficult. Of course, the United States will also take some counter-measures. For example, not long ago, they passed the Hong Kong autonomy law, claiming to punish Hong Kong and the mainland of China who participate in weakening Hong Kongs autonomy, including issuing visa, etc., but the United States can do very little. In addition, the U.S. Secretary of Commerce has just announced that the US Department of Commerce will cancel the preferential treatment for Hong Kong - treat Hong Kong as an independent trading entity. This will have a certain impact on our economy, but we are also ready to not worry too much.
What is the consensus of the Hong Kong community on Hong Kongs national security law or the various causes of Hong Kongs chaos? In terms of the current situation in Hong Kong, which areas still need to reach a consensus?
Zhang Weiwei: earlier, I gave a lecture on democracy and Hong Kongs choice to Hong Kong. In fact, I hope to promote a new consensus that Hong Kong needs to emancipate its mind. Later, I heard feedback from Mr. Tung Chee Hwa. They said that they liked the lecture very much and did point out some core issues. If we can get rid of these elements of Hong Kongs chaos and Hong Kong Independence elements, there is a possibility that Hong Kong can reach a greater consensus.
I quite agree with what Zhang Weiwei just mentioned. Education is a key. For example, as a university teacher, I feel that I have little influence on my students except knowledge. So the education I emphasize here is actually primary and secondary education. We have noted that article 5 of the decision adopted by the National Peoples Congress on May 28 specifically states that the chief executive has the obligation to improve national security education in Hong Kong.
National security education will certainly be strengthened in Hong Kongs primary and secondary education in the future. At the same time, national security education should also be combined with the national education that should be implemented in Hong Kong for a long time, and regard it as a very important part of national education. With education as a guarantee, the second aspect, in my opinion, is public opinion. Li Zhiying plays a very important role in the gang of four, because he controls many influential media in Hong Kong. After the national security law is passed, it will strengthen control over the media that publicize subversion of the state power, and cut off the contact between it and foreign forces. With education and the media, social consensus is easier to form.
For Hong Kong, are many institutions still facing a process of reconstruction. It may be difficult for friends in the mainland to understand. We say that the education authorities should be in charge of teachers, teaching materials, planning and so on. But in Hong Kong, the Education Association and the education authorities are decentralized and antagonistic to each other. If we want to improve the consensus of the whole society through education and media, is it also a big issue to rebuild institutions?
Zhang Wei was:
In fact, the political system of Hong Kong needs some reform, because Deng Xiaoping proposed that it should not be changed for 50 years. He appreciated the mode of Hong Kongs administrative leadership. But this model was later changed by patten. How did he change it? For example, many functions are left to the Legislative Council for restriction. The most important point is that many government departments are either privatized or become independent legal persons. Not long ago, Hong Kongs college entrance examination questions about the Anti Japanese war were controversial. In such a small place, 7 million people have become so dispersed that the so-called separation of powers has resulted in nothing being achieved. The power of the chief executive has become very, very weak. This is a big problem.
So I said it in public. If I agree with it, it will be changed. Reach an internal consensus. This time, Hong Kongs national security law allows the chief executive to appoint judges. In a sense, it is a return to administrative dominance. I personally think that we should go further in this direction.
For them, this is a new task. I know that there is a friend from Hong Kong, Mr. Zhang Guozheng, President of Shanghai Hong Kong Federation. Before the promulgation of the Hong Kong national security law, what are the most worried about the situation in Hong Kong for all those who love Hong Kong?
The biggest worry is whether we can really calm down this mess. In the past year, we have been unable to bear to support the basic law. Now that Hong Kongs national security law is ready to be introduced, can it really be suppressed? The question at that time was that there was too much chaos on the streets or in the Legislative Council. Now the situation is more and more clear, but the opposition camp has been spreading negative news in the past few weeks, so you can imagine that Hong Kong Laobai is also very chaotic. Who is right? For example, the national security law is a decision made directly by the National Peoples Congress. Will it have a direct impact or attack on one country, two systems? The opposition camp will certainly carry out such propaganda all the time, so I also want to hear two professors and guests present explain clearly to the people of Hong Kong.
Another is that Hong Kong implements the common law. Just now, professors have pointed out that an important element of common law depends on precedent. If the national security law is new after its implementation in Hong Kong, and there is no precedent in the past, what will be the verdict? Of course, I heard that we were going to shuffle again, and thats right. But people still need to hear clearly, where is the connection between the two?
In fact, it involves two aspects. One is whether the national security law will affect one country, two systems and whether it will impair the high degree of autonomy of Hong Kong guaranteed by the basic law. Judging from the decisions of the National Peoples Congress and the contents of the Hong Kong national security law, we will not. When formulating the law on safeguarding national security of the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region, the Standing Committee of the National Peoples Congress fully considered the original laws of Hong Kong. It was an attempt to take into account the existing criminal charges related to national security in Hong Kong and then integrate them into the current national security law. There is a very controversial crime, sedition, which originally existed in Hong Kong. However, it is not included in the national security law this time, because it involves the issue of conviction for words, which may conflict with the freedom of speech guaranteed by the basic law. It is open to the public whether Hong Kong will include it when formulating its own national security law in the future.
The second is its connection with the common law. In fact, it does not mean that there is no precedent for safeguarding national security in the common law. There were a lot of prosecutions about treason, subversion and subversion when Hong Kong was a British colony. Therefore, when interpreting the national security law formulated by the Standing Committee of the National Peoples Congress, Hong Kong Courts can refer to the previous precedent.
In fact, the chaos in Hong Kong over the past few years has made us realize that many peoples perception of one country, two systems is inaccurate. So can you explain this question again? How should one country, two systems be understood?
Zhang Wei was:
One country, two systems is very clear. First of all, there is one country. Only when there is one country can there be two systems,. In the mid-1980s, I worked as a translator in the Ministry of foreign affairs. I participated in part of the work of the Sino British Working Group on Hong Kong. At that time, the consensus was very clear, that is, one country, two systems, and state was the peoples Republic of China. What is it now? We only talk about two systems, not one country.
I once wrote an article called one country, two systems and national integration, in which I put forward a point of view. I think most people in the legal field of Hong Kong read only half of the basic law. They read only the provisions in the basic law that guarantee the high degree of autonomy of Hong Kong, but deliberately do not read the provisions guaranteeing one country. One country, two systems and one country is a prerequisite. Without one country, there can be no two systems. To take a specific example, in the last round of Legislative Council elections, many people who had obvious Hong Kong Independence ideas ran for election and were elected. This is completely in conflict with one country, two systems in one country, two systems, which means that he has lied. At the time of election, although there were no relevant provisions in the national security law at that time, you had to swear allegiance to the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region of the peoples Republic of China before you could run for election. This shows how serious the problem is that many Hong Kong people read only half of the basic law.
Q & a session
Q1: my name is Liu Junchen. Im a freshman from South China University of technology. Because I am studying in Guangzhou, I usually pay more attention to the relevant news of Guangdong, Hong Kong and Macao. I have a small question to ask two teachers. Since June last year, the amendment storm has had a great impact on Hong Kong society. It is not difficult to find that there are many young people in the demonstration group, even students about my age. To a large extent, it shows that there are problems in primary and secondary education in Hong Kong. Mr. Tung Chee Hwa and Mr. Liang Zhenying, former chief executive of Hong Kong, have promoted the reform of general education, but they have met with many levels Why is it so difficult for us to promote patriotic education in Hong Kong or to enhance the national identity of Hong Kongs youth? What is the source of resistance? thank you.
In my opinion, teachers and textbooks are the most important factors. With such teachers and textbooks, it is no wonder that young people without national identity can be cultivated. Therefore, we can not blame these minors because they are educated under such an education system.
Zhang Wei was:
In a sense, it is also a matter of how to tell Hong Kong people good stories about China and the mainland, because there are still many people who are biased. If you just read Hong Kong newspapers or TV stations, you will be full of misreading of the mainland of China. A very small negative news can be put very large, which has formed a tradition. At the same time, this is also an opportunity. We need to tell the success story of mainland China. In fact, Shenzhen is on the edge. So is the Dawan district. In a sense, our program also hopes to make some basic principles clear. There are a group of people who can communicate openly and candidly with the public scholars in Hong Kong
Zhang Wei was:
In my opinion, we should provide really good products, including ideological products. The situation is stronger than people, there are good products, and there are various kinds of work in place. Some people will wake up, and they will have a greater impact. Of course, now we have a general feeling that with the development of the Internet and artificial intelligence, it has become more and more tribal. Everyone looks at what they like to see. This does exist. But I believe that as long as we can grasp the key few, it will have a greater impact. No matter how difficult it is, it will certainly produce results. This problem is done step by step. The time is on our side. In such a large country, such a wonderful story, how can it not be told well, right?