Observer: When you contacted me a few hours ago, you said that you were driving and you were stuck in a jam. Because the traffic lights were destroyed by radicals, the places where there were no traffic policemen depended on the tacit understanding between drivers. How do you feel about your life in Hong Kong? What are the impacts on the lives of the people of Hong Kong after many consecutive demonstrations and rallies by the opposition?
Exactly speaking, when they take action, launch a non-cooperative movement or go directly to the streets to parade, block the road, peoples lives will encounter trouble. If they choose to run in the subway station during rush hour, they will not let the subway doors open and close, and they will confront each other with the passengers who are driving. Some road congestion practices also affect emergency rescue work, such as pregnant women in the subway platform discomfort, emergency, but ambulances can not drive. When they dont act, everybodys life goes on as usual.
Demonstrators sit in the subway station (map/port media)
Observer: Now, apart from the police and some local residents, what forces are there in Hong Kong society against these radical acts?
Chen Wenwei: In fact, Hong Kong society has tried to organize two or three relatively large police rallies, ranging in size from hundreds of thousands to hundreds of thousands. Many Hong Kong citizens also feel that the activities of the radicals are beyond the governments permission and that they cannot resort to violence because the government has not responded to their so-called demands, which is neither reasonable nor legitimate.
In fact, I have talked to my friends who went to the parade and rally, and many of them would take the initiative to separate themselves from those who committed violent acts. They go to rallies during the day, and at night more radical actions, such as wearing a helmet, holding a pointed bamboo pole or self-made shield, and fighting the stalemate with the police, will not be involved.
Radical demonstrators set fire during the March (Picture/Hong Kong Wenhui Network)
Observer: What practical actions have Hong Kong citizens taken to combat violence that they think are illegal and unreasonable?
For example, this morning I just received a message from my father that his two sisters and brothers had different positions. Yesterday, my sister was going to attend the rally. My brother strongly opposed it. Finally, the two sisters and brothers fought after scolding. Its not a special case. Its common nowadays around us.
Observer: Activistsatrocities are intensifying, but the silent majority are still silent. Will this condone the rioters and lead to further deterioration of the situation in Hong Kong?
Chen Wenwei: On the one hand, Hong Kong people attach more importance to freedom of assembly and are more inclusive. On the other hand, although we are worried that the situation will become more and more uncontrolled, it is not yet time that the lives of ordinary citizens will be greatly affected. Take the seven districts and three strikes as an example. There were unrest in seven places in Hong Kong, and strikes in some places, which did not return to normal until the next day. But unless you go to those demonstration areas, its not much different from ordinary life. Basically, the lives of most Hong Kong citizens have not been really affected.
Of course, some industries or individuals have suffered a great negative impact, and the impact has begun to emerge slowly. If I had friends and relatives participating in the demonstrations, we would not have parties; friends in the retail and catering industries also told me that their business had fallen by nearly 10% in the past two months. This 10% is very important to them, because the cost of doing business in Hong Kong is very high, and many small and medium-sized enterprises usually earn 8 to 10 points. If the demonstrators do this every week, many people are reluctant to spend, and the free travel tourists in the Mainland feel that Hong Kong is not safe and will not come.
Observer Network: The opposition also insulted the national flag and emblem during the march. I heard you took part in the flag protection activities?
Chen Wenwei: Yes, I was one of the sponsors of the two flag protection activities.
Observer: How did you think of launching a flag campaign? How is it organized?
Chen Wenwei: The first time was on the evening of Saturday, August 3. We saw some people in black wearing masks and covering their heads on the Internet. They went to Tsim Sha Tsui and tore the flag off the flagpole and threw it into the sea. We were very angry when we saw it. It should not have happened in Hong Kong. In my mind, no matter they are Chinese or foreigners, they can not insult the Chinese flag. Several of our young friends are chatting in the online group. They all think that this behavior is abominable and hateful. It is our duty to raise the national flag again. After we launched the action, other netizens helped to disseminate the information. The next morning, at about seven oclock, we went to Star Wharf and held a flag-raising ceremony in the same place.
Its a pity that the same thing happened later. We responded quickly, and another flag-raising ceremony was held the next day. And we have also issued a statement that this act of destroying the national emblem and flag has nothing to do with the original intention of the five demands or counter-amendment regulations put forward by the opposition or demonstrators.
There is a fundamental question: Does the contempt for the country and the nation always exist in the hearts of a small number of Hong Kong people? After all, it has only returned to China for 22 years, and it has been a colony for 100 years. For some young people, they do not understand the development of the country and have long accepted the information that the West has smeared China. But I think, no matter who you are, as long as Hong Kong is part of Chinas territory, the five-star red flag should always be raised in Hong Kong.
Senator Chen Wenwei launched the Flag Protection campaign for the second time. Video released a Flag Protection statement for him at Star Wharf.
Observer: What are the current ways for Hong Kong people to receive patriotic education?
Chen Wenwei: There is basically no way, and there is no systematic patriotic education curriculum in Hong Kong.
Unlike the mainland, Hong Kong does not have political lessons, but the so-called Chinese history lessons in Hong Kong are basically finished from the first grade of junior middle school to the third grade of junior middle school. How much can we teach in three years? History is the best way to educate patriotism, but students seldom contact with the development of China after the founding of the Peoples Republic, and the content of each teacher is not the same.
Observer: Can this be remedied?
Chen Wenwei: We tried to promote national education, but then the government compromised.
Shatian Guanli Secondary School Secondary Chinese Subject Test Paper, guided students to praise the demonstrators all body is bold, criticized the police straw life
Why was the British so efficient when they ruled? Because they did not give freedom. Now those young people dont know that the education administration in those years was not as loose as it is now. Nor do they know that the British and Hong Kong government had a Department of Politics to investigate the secrecy of the then opposition (i.e., the present institutionalists), and most of the former Hong Kong MPs were appointed by the British. Was there freedom of election then? No, the British started it just before they left.
Observer: You are native Hong Kong people. They are also native Hong Kong people. You all grew up in a similar social atmosphere and received similar education. What factors do you think contributed to the different political attitudes nowadays?
Observer: They are not satisfied with the development of Hong Kong. What are the main aspects?
Chen Wenwei: First of all, the cost of living and housing prices in Hong Kong are too high. After graduation, young people in Hong Kong can generally earn between 12,000 and 12,000 monthly salaries. They have to pay rent, pay their daily expenses, subsidize their households and so on. They can save very little money every month. But if you want to buy a house in Hong Kong, you cant buy a decent place for less than 56 million people.
Secondly, there are fewer opportunities for Hong Kongs development than before. In the past, Hong Kong people would say, We have the spirit of Lion Mountain. I dare to go all out. If I work hard, there will be a future. At that time, there were many examples of self-made people in Hong Kong, but now there are fewer. Most people do not have this kind of situation.
The development of Hong Kong is very different from that of the Mainland. I often run on both sides, especially in the Great Bay Area. I feel that young people on both sides have very different expectations for future development.
There are many opportunities for development in the Mainland. Whether it is talent, capital, market or innovation, the resources in the Mainland are much more than those in Hong Kong. Youth friends in the Mainland will not worry or worry about it. If they cant stay in their hometown, they can go to other places, such as Beishengguang, to develop and start their own businesses. The cost of living in these places will not differ too much.
As for young people in Hong Kong, there is a basic consensus. They believe that the Dawan District has a chance, but when they are called to the Dawan District, they hesitate: If I go to the Dawan District, what should I do? What resources can help me develop? I do not know! Would it be too late for me to take such a big risk to go to Dawan District and return to Hong Kong in case of failure? Young people in Hong Kong are too expensive and have less confidence in calculating opportunity costs.
Therefore, Hong Kong youth are really dissatisfied with the present situation. I understand and sympathize with it. In a sense, I am one of them. Im a native, and I havent bought a house yet. My wife has to take care of two children. The children just go to elementary school and kindergarten. The cost of living is very high, and they will feel pressure. Compared with other young friends, its only a little better.
Chen Wenwei: There is more or less such psychological imbalance. The 1980s and 1990s were the golden years of Hong Kong. At that time, when the Mainland was reforming and opening up, Hong Kong had technology and external capital, which could be used as an intermediary trading city. At first, the poor and white mainland went out and brought in through the window of Hong Kong, from which Hong Kong also reaped tremendous benefits.
Now, how many of the top companies in China are headquartered in Shenzhen? Wang Tao, the founder of Dajiang, is a graduate of Hong Kong University of Science and Technology. The owner of Shunfeng used to set up a street stall in Shenshui, Hong Kong, before returning to the Mainland to do logistics. With the development of the Mainland, more and more things no longer need Hong Kong as an intermediary.
In other words, many Hong Kong people have a very one-sided understanding of the Mainland. They will use Taobao and follow TV dramas such as Peach Blossom in the Thirteenth Life and Legend of Wu Mei Niang. On the other hand, they feel that the institutional development of the Mainland is lagging behind that of Hong Kong.
Observer: Now in Hong Kong, public decision-making involving the Mainland seems very sensitive and prone to controversy and even protest.
Chen Wenwei: To be frank, the root of the problem lies in the oppositions desire to seize the governance of Hong Kong.
Regardless of the ultimate objective of the opposition, most people in Hong Kong, especially those in the middle, will discuss it more rationally. Taking this anti-revision case as an example, they will admit in rational discussion that they do not understand the rule of law in the Mainland and have insufficient trust. As Hong Kongs legal system is different from that of the Mainland, many Hong Kong citizens feel that once the Fugitive Offenders Ordinance is passed, some of their existing rights may be difficult to continue to be protected.
First, they have the certificate of returning home, have been to the Mainland, and even have to run both ends of their business. If you ask them, What laws should they follow after passing the customs? Most of them also know that they should abide by the Constitution of the Peoples Republic of China. Ask them again: Are you afraid when you go back to the mainland? Sometimes they confess, Its not really that scary. They knew that they would not break the law without doing something, but there was still a sense of insecurity.
Another contradictory situation is that if the Fugitive Offenders Ordinance is not passed, some people will flee to Hong Kong after committing crimes in the Mainland. Should we deal with it? Rationally speaking, these friends certainly know that these people must be brought to justice. But with what regulations? They cant help it.
Rationality tells Hong Kong people that there are problems to be solved, but emotions make them feel resistant. I think that the Hong Kong government and the central government should pay attention to this situation when solving the problem in the future, because it reflects a concern in the hearts of Hong Kong people. However, I think this concern can be eliminated through the system. Everyone agrees that criminal acts should be dealt with. As for what measures should be taken, we can still talk about them.
This is the original reason for the recent campaign in Hong Kong, but it has developed more and more incorrectly, resulting in many violent acts, such as assaulting the Legislative Council, the police station, or confronting the police with weapons. This situation is beginning to make most Hong Kong people uneasy about what they are going to do.
Chen Wenwei: In this case, the government itself may also have a certain responsibility. If it had responded in time and taken effective measures, it would not have developed the present situation.
But now there is a pervasive misconception among the radicals: they find that when they act violently, the government will respond, so they think that their actions are justified; if the government does not respond in time, the actions will be promoted, even if some people are injured and bleeding in the end, it is caused by the governments negligence, not by the governments failure to do so. Own.
I have a friend who supports the opposition and is a tutor himself. I have explained to him, by analogy, why the oppositions ideas and practices are hooligans. The opposition acted like coming over and saying, Teacher, will you not add to this years tuition fee? If the teacher doesnt respond, they force him into a corner; if they dont respond, they promote violence and smash the cram school. The teacher finally responded, saying Yes, which was tantamount to telling them that their smash was correct. Next year, they may come over and say, Teacher, you should cut tuition fees... Thats what the government is facing now.
In addition, one of the reasons for the turmoil today is that the government may have been too soft at first and given too little authority to use force to the police. More recently, after the State Councils press conference, we saw a marked difference. The police took action more quickly.
Hong Kong Police Defense on the Road (Picture/Port Media)
Observer Network: There is a break, there is a stand, after the opposition has broken the stability of Hong Kong, what do they ultimately want to stand?
Chen Wenwei: At present, the opposition has put forward five major demands. Lets analyze them one by one.
First, withdraw the amendment. I have talked a lot before, so I wont say more here.
Second, abolish the characterization of the riot on June 12. Now people all over the world can see the behavior of those thugs in the news, throwing bricks, setting fire and attacking the police. This is not violence. What else can it be? If the world standards that the opposition has always emphasized are used to regulate them, they will surely be thugs.
Thirdly, it calls for the unconditional release of the arrested persons. The rule of law is Hong Kongs most important core value. It requires that these people be arrested and interrogated. If these thugs are released unconditionally now, where is the rule of law in Hong Kong?
Finally, the Chief Executive was asked to step down. If the Chief Executive were to step down now, who would clean up the mess? Secondly, the Chief Executive has not made any political mistakes from beginning to end. It is true that there are some anti-revision regulations now, but we can not ignore that there are many people who agree with them. How to modify it? There is room for discussion.
Observer: Do you have any feasible suggestions for this situation?
Chen Wenwei: How to interpret one country, two systems? This power has always been in the hands of the central government. Say a metaphor that you may easily understand: on a court, the central government is the referee, how to play football, this interpretation of the power has been in the central.
Global Network Reporter Airport was beaten: I support the Hong Kong police. You can beat me.
On the 13th, a large number of mobs gathered illegally at Hong Kong International Airport. Two mainland Chinese, including Global Network reporter Fu Guohao, were illegally imprisoned and beaten by thugs. One of them was illegally imprisoned for up to four hours. After the first man was sent to hospital, Global Network reporter Fu Guohao was beaten by thugs after he was found to have a T-shirt of I love the police. Facing the mob, Fu Guohao said aloud: I support the Hong Kong police, you can hit me. This sentence has been widely circulated in the social media and won the praise of numerous netizens.