Last year, a Saudi billionaire named Mohammed Amudi disappeared with dozens of Saudi princes and businessmen at the Ritz Carlton Hotel in Riyadh during an anti-corruption campaign launched by the Saudi Crown Prince.
Some of them returned to the sky after handing over their property, but Amudi disappeared for 400 days and remained invisible, but his vast empire was functioning as usual, causing concern.
According to Bloomberg, Amudis wealth can be traced back to his business with the Saudi government during the last King Fahds reign, which accumulated $7.6 billion in assets overseas and had tens of thousands of businesses employing staff in Europe and Africa.
But events over the past year seem to prove that his original benefactor, the Saudi Royal family, still has the upper hand.
According to its spokesman Tim Sandley, Amudi has been in contact with relatives and they are all in good health. But Tim declined to comment on rumours that Amudi was accused of misconduct.
Chengye Royal Family and Lost Royal Family
Amudi, known by Forbes as the richest black man in the world, provides Starbucks with coffee and has a very good personal relationship with the Clintons.
Always, Moodys has managed to establish influential ties with the Saudi Royal family.
According to the New York Times, in the 1980s, Moodys founded an enterprise group called Midroc. His biggest early deal was a project to build the Kingdoms underground oil storage capacity, worth billions of dollars. Engineering and construction seem to be Midrocs core business, but according to its website, the company runs everything from pharmaceuticals to furniture.
The late King Abdullah was a supporter of Al-Moodys Saudi Star Agricultural Development Corporation, an agricultural enterprise in Ethiopia aimed at supplying rice to Saudi Arabia. These enterprises are regarded as strategic assets of Saudi Arabia because they are aware of the limitations of their own agricultural development. The companys development is difficult, but it has attracted the attention of the new government.
According to Bloomberg, Amudi has assets in three continents and more than a dozen industries, and Preem is Swedens largest fuel company. The company, worth $5 billion, operates at hundreds of gas stations in Sweden, accounting for nearly a third of Nordic refining capacity. Today, the companys only shareholder is missing, but its credit health is unaffected.
As early as 2004, Moodys reputation was well known in the United States. Three years after 9/11, the owner of the World Trade Center filed a lawsuit accusing him of being an important sponsor of international terrorists and calling him a financier of the controversial Islamic charity. The following year, the case was withdrawn, and a spokesman for Moodys said the other party had misidentified.
Afterwards, Amudis name appeared in an e-mail from Desai, the foreign policy director of the Clinton Foundation, in which he wrote, Unless Amudi sends us a check of $6 million, it sounds crazy. The email sparked controversy within the Foundation and linked the name of Moodys to American politicians.
In Ethiopia, Amudis partners described it as a philanthropist and supporter of helping Africa develop. In 2014, in a speech in Washington, he said:
I am a Saudi investor, but I was born in Africa and I am proud of having an Ethiopian mother. By investing in all the countries of northern, southern, Eastern and Western Africa, I have established a special relationship with my country of birth.
After the disappearance of Moodys, Ethiopian Prime Minister Ahmed said he believed that he would be released after making a personal appeal to the Crown Prince. In August, Ahmad said he had received information from Saudi officials that the release of Moodys was delayed and that pressure would continue.
Who can bind the crown prince?
With Saudi Crown Prince Salman forcefully pushing forward his drastic reforms, Saudi politics has fluctuated in recent years, and dissidents have been laying down guns. Nowadays, it seems that only the King himself can restrain the Crown Prince in Saudi Arabia.
But the King also had difficulties. According to the New York Times, Riyadh scholar Joseph Kirchhian said that the King must consider the impact of the Cashugi case on the crown princes reputation and how to continue the Vision 2030 reform plan pursued by the crown prince.
Others questioned whether the king could grasp what was happening. People are worried about the Kings health, said Rashid, a visiting professor at the London School of Economics.
Analysts say that direct restraint of such a powerful crown prince can be devastating, and few princes want to take over the hot potato job.
A Western diplomat said the king could point to him by reducing the crown princes power, perhaps by redistributing control of the security sector to other respected princes. The brand has been irreparably damaged. They really need to take measures at home to restrain Salman. They need to protect him.
Some of the crown princes enemies turned their eyes to the kings 73-year-old brother, Prince Ahmed, who came from the same mother, Husa Sudaly.
Sudaili has seven sons under her knees, forming a powerful group in the Royal family, and the Saudi throne is also handed down in turn among the seven brothers. If it is difficult for the current king to pass on the right of inheritance to his son, this mode of succession of brothers, brothers and final brothers to the throne may extend to Prince Ahmed.
Source: Han Jiapeng_NN9841, responsible editor of Beijing News